Maritime terrorism in Southeast Asia refers to acts of extreme nautical violence committed with political motives within the Southeast asian region. Despite seaborne terrorist attacks accounting for only 2 % of all external terrorist incidents from 1978 to 2008, according to RAND ‘s Terrorism Database, [ 1 ] Southeast Asia has proven a hotbed of nautical terrorism. Due to the high frequency of pirates in the area, many Southeast Asian-based terrorist groups have appropriated piratical tactics in carrying out their violent political struggles. In 2003, the International Maritime Bureau reported that out of the 445 actual or attempted piratical attacks on merchant vessels, 189 occurred in Southeast Asia, which was more cases than either Africa or Latin America, with 121 attacks occurring in indonesian waters and 35 attacks occurring in Malaysian and Singaporean waters. In 2004, while the number of actual and attempted attacks fell to 325, Southeast Asia remained at the top of the regional rankings, with 93 incidents occurring in indonesian waters. [ 2 ] Between 2014 and 2018, 242 attacks occurred in Southeast Asia, with the majority occurring in indonesian waters. [ 3 ] The most democratic weapons of choice among Southeast asian maritime terrorists have been explosive devices and firearms, which were used in roughly 60 % of maritime attacks in the region. [ 4 ]

The concepts of maritime terrorism [edit ]

Definitions of nautical terrorism [edit ]

Maritime terrorism, like terrorism itself, is an basically contested concept. Because there are over 100 definitions of terrorism from multiple sources, there is no normally held definition. however, despite this site there are still multiple UN conventions and regional legal processes to respond to maritime terrorist incidents. [ 5 ] The most outstanding definition for nautical terrorism within Southeast Asia seems to have been given by the Council for Security Cooperation in the Asia Pacific ( CSCAP ) Working Group who defined maritime terrorism as :

Reading: Maritime terrorism in Southeast Asia – Wikipedia

… the undertake of terrorist acts and activities within the nautical environment, using or against vessels or fixed platforms at sea or in larboard, or against any one of their passengers or personnel, against coastal facilities or settlements, including tourist resorts, port areas and port towns or cities .

[ 6 ] [ 5 ] [ 3 ] however, according to Sheng, beyond the particular definition of nautical terrorism provided by the CSCAP, legal and political analysts are faced with a paradox ; given that there is no universal definition of ‘ terrorism ’, how can a definition of ‘ maritime terrorism ’ possibly be reached, considering its condition as a subvariant of terrorism ? [ 5 ]

International maritime laws and treaties [edit ]

Before 1988, there had been a argue within the international legal residential district as to whether acts of nautical terrorism could be meaningfully prosecuted under anti-piracy legislation put forward as a part of the UNCLOS III agreement in 1982. The main debate took place around what precisely was meant by the ‘ individual ends ’ that UNCLOS III classed as an impute of piracy. International legal scholars like Douglas Guilfoyle argued that ‘ private ’ referred to a lack of state approve behind the act, viewing ‘ individual ’ and ‘ public ’ as the relevant dichotomy. other scholars, like Saiful Karim, argued that ‘ private ’ referred to the presence of a profit motive behind the dissemble, therefore viewing ‘ secret ’ and ‘ political ’ as the relevant dichotomy. Karim based this judgment away attempts to codify anti-piracy laws that date back to committee work by the League of Nations during the inter-war time period. [ 7 ] A foundational convention that has been significant in defining nautical terrorism was the Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful Acts against the Safety of Maritime Navigation ( SUA ) of 1988 and its accompanying SUA Fixed Platform Protocol. Although SUA 1988 did not define either ‘ terrorism ’ or ‘ nautical terrorism ’, it was a reaction to the 1985 attack on the Achille Lauro cruise ship, a high-profile terrorist incidental. The United Nations General Assembly subsequently requested the International Maritime Organisation ( IMO ) to study terrorist attacks aboard or against ships, with an aim towards making recommendations for countermeasures. In November 1986, Italy, Austria and Egypt submitted a draft to the IMO for a new convention for the inhibition of maritime terrorism, which had taken influences from 3 previous counterterror conventions ; the Hague Convention on Aircraft Hijacking, the Montreal Convention on Sabotage of Airplanes and the International Convention Against the Taking of Hostages. After 2 years of deliberation, the IMO adopted the 1988 SUA Convention. [ 7 ] The provisions of the convention made the threaten or actual hijack, damaging or end of vessels and violence against crew prosecutable offences under the convention as such acts threatened the safe navigation of ships. unlawful acts committed for both secret and political ends were covered under the conventionality and an debt instrument was imposed on all states party to the agreement to extradite or prosecute convention offenders resident upon their territory. The SUA Fixed Platform Protocol was besides signed at the 1988 Rome Convention after the United States and Spain raised the return of fasten platforms as potential terrorist targets. The SUA Protocol thus made it a prosecutable crime to launch attacks against a fix chopine on the provision that the fix platform is attached to the ocean floor, serves economic purposes like resource exploration or exploitation and operates on a continental ledge. [ 8 ] however, the 1988 SUA Convention and Protocol did possess several flaws, one of which was the fact that both pieces of legislation were reactive towards nautical terrorist acts and offered no preventive provisions or measures to prevent maritime terrorist acts from taking target, as put away by Justin S. C. Mellor. [ 9 ] In effect, the legislation was merely in place to prosecute perpetrators in the consequence of the crime preferably than provide contracting states with powers and legal authority to interdict and prevent violations of the 1988 SUA Convention and Protocol. Following 9/11, the IMO adopted IMO Assembly Resolution A.924 ( 22 ) which called for a review of existing legislation and measures that aimed to prevent terrorist acts against the guard and security of passengers, crew members and vessels. In October 2001, the IMO Legal Committee initiated a review of the 1988 SUA Convention and Protocol, with April 2002 witnessing the creation of a US-led Correspondence Group which would provide the IMO Legal Committee with a working newspaper containing potential amendments to SUA 1988 for the Legal Committee ‘s 85th session in October 2003. The amendments suggested by the Correspondence Group presented before the IMO Legal Committee included 7 new offences under Article III of the 1988 SUA Convention and new provisions authorising the board and inquisitory of alien vessels in international waters who are either suspected of engagement in or are at risk of being targeted by acts prohibited under Article III. Although most IMO delegations expressed subscribe for the amendments, concerns were raised concerning the amendments ’ effects on exemption of navigation and the exclusivity of masthead state jurisdiction over their vessels within external water. After three years of deliberation, the IMO Legal Committee completed its review during its 90th session during April 2005, with the resulting International Conference on the revision of the SUA Treaties in October 2005 resulting in the official adoption of the 2005 SUA Protocol. New offences under the protocol included the sleep together and intentional weaponisation of ships with terrorist motivation, the sleep together and designed department of transportation of WMDs and refer materials via the high seas both with or without terrorist motivation and the knowing and designed habit of a ship as a exile means for any person who has committed an crime under any current or future UN terrorism conventions, including the 1988 SUA Convention and the 2005 SUA Protocol. [ 10 ]

Piracy-Terrorism Nexus [edit ]

however, the piracy-terrorism link creates a theoretical-legal problem in relation back to the legalistic conceptualization of maritime terrorism outlined above. This nexus involves maritime terrorist acts where the tactic, immediate motivation and long-run motivative of maritime terrorists are mismatched, showing piratical characteristics over entirely terrorist ones. These acts include the co-option of pirates by maritime terrorists to do acts like hijacking and delivering a oil tanker to maritime terrorists for manipulation as an attack delivery system, meaning the pirates would have indirectly assisted maritime terrorist activities. [ 1 ] other acts include maritime terrorists using piracy to extort and generate funds for their political cause. Both these acts are, tactically speaking, piratical, however, strategically speaking, of a terrorist nature. [ 6 ] Some maritime security analysts, like Peter Chalk, argue that this type of co-operation between pirates and maritime terrorists is farfetched on a meaning level due to their disagree incentives and motives. [ 1 ] Others, like Graham Gerard Ong, suggest that pirates and nautical terrorists are unusually alike due to their multinational nature, like tactics and weaponry and alike levels of accompanying extreme point ferocity. [ 11 ] This legal indistinctness and definitional ambiguity surrounding the legal classification of these illegal activities for pursuance has led to the conception that plagiarism and maritime terrorism exist on a continuum between each early. [ 6 ] The Terrorism Financing Convention partially resolves this legal riddle posed by the piracy-terrorism link for, by intentionally partaking in financing activities for illegal acts under numerous external treaties, including the SUA conventions, one can be prosecuted under the Terrorism Financing Convention. [ 7 ] As the treaty punishes intentional collaboration with and enabling of maritime terrorist actors and explicitly mentions terrorism in its title, the treaty effectively punishes offenders as complicit with maritime terrorists .

Maritime Terrorist tactics [edit ]

Within academic communities, it has been observed that maritime terrorists use an array of tactics in the perpetration of their attacks. There have besides been speculations as to how nautical terrorist tactics might evolve in the future. Martin N. Murphy identifies multiple means and tactics historically and presently utilised by nautical terrorists, including boat yield IEDs and naval mines. [ 12 ] Within Southeast Asia, this has included : -Suicide bomber divers or ‘ human torpedoes ’ : multiple attacks of this version have been attempted within Southeast Asia. Al-Qaeda planned to use suicide bomber divers on US Navy vessels docked in indonesian ports in 2002. In 2005, an ASG running by the name Gamal Baharan stated that he had gone to a Palawan island ASG train camp in formulation for an subaqueous suicide bombing attack that was in the work of being planned by Jemaah Islamiyah. [ 12 ] Attacks using a suicide bomber diver or an explosive-laden swimmer rescue vehicle could be used to attack several different types of maritime targets, including warships, naval bases, subaqueous vegetable oil pipelines or subaqueous telecommunication cables. [ 13 ] -Submarines as vehicles of terrorist fare : There have been two luminary instances of terrorist either obtaining or attempting to obtain these capabilities. The first was in 1999 where the Moro Islamic Liberation Front within the Southern Philippines had enquired as to the possibility of purchasing mini-submarines from North Korea. The second was in 2000, where the Tamil Tigers were exposed in the action of building one submarine and three mini-submarines in Phuket, Thailand. [ 12 ] Murphy besides notes the hypothesis of certain rare or unprecedented uses of nautical terrorist tactics being used at sea in the future. These include : -Running an oil tanker aground or sabotaging it in a alike fashion to the M/V Limburg in 2002 to cause acute oil befoulment through the escape, subsequently closing ports or blocking critical chokepoints, like the Malacca Straits. [ 12 ] This would cause both regional and global economic losses that would undermine the constancy of Southeast Asian states and the external commercial system. -Aerial attacks upon vessels, such as using explosive-laden small aircraft to ram and thus attack the vessel. Murphy, however, judges the chances of an attack wish this as highly improbable. [ 12 ] There has besides been speculation on the possibility of vessels being used as a delivery system for powerful weapons and devices. Donna Nincic creates a typology for this character of attack between attacks from capacitance, where maritime terrorists could use a vessel to deliver a traditional chemical, biological, radiological or nuclear device, and attacks from opportunity, whereby nautical terrorists hijack a vessel carrying dangerous maritime cargo ( DMCs ) such as LNG, LPG or ammonium nitrate and subsequently weaponise the cargo. [ 14 ] however, Murphy casts doubt on the electric potential for maritime terrorists to use vessels as a manner of speaking system for WMDs or ‘ dirty bombs ’, which he judges as incredibly improbable due to the difficulty in assembling such a device and the high risk of bad luck in transporting the weapon to its target. [ 12 ] Murphy besides speculates upon the potential for massive casualty attacks committed using DMCs in a heavily populate sphere, but suggests that such an attack would be logistically difficult to perpetrate, potentially ineffective and highly detectable to security services. [ 12 ]

Motivations for using maritime terrorist tactics [edit ]

While maritime terrorist actors are obviously driven by political motives in turning to acts of terrorist violence as a central motivative, [ 6 ] [ 7 ] there are deeper, more operational motives behind their target and means selection. For example, Colonel Antonio Guido Monno ‘s function identifies a clear geostrategic motif behind Al-Qaeda ‘s target of western economic vessels and sea lines of communication ( SLOCs ) as part of a strategy of imposing cripple economic costs on the West to force a western geopolitical retreat from the Muslim global. [ 1 ] [ 15 ] [ 16 ] Both Chalk, Greenberg and Murphy similarly cover the strategic rationale behind acts like attacking ports and blocking SLOCs with oil tankers to destabilise local anesthetic states economically and environmentally. All 3 scholars besides view a symbolic rationale behind selecting high prestige big civilian targets like cruise ships as attacks of this kind ensures media attention, while striking at a high gear condition target within revolutionary anti-Western ideological frameworks ; peculiarly contemporary jihadism. [ 1 ] [ 17 ] [ 12 ] [ 11 ] Thus, there are strategic, political-ideological and emblematic motives behind the consumption of different nautical terrorist acts. other operational motives could include the desire to perpetrate a batch casualty or mass hostage-taking attack, which Murphy highlights as a key reason why maritime terrorist would choose to target a large civilian vessel, due to its confined internal environment. An incident like this has already been witnessed in Southeast Asia through the 2004 attack upon the M/V Superferry 14. [ 12 ]

celebrated nautical terrorist hotspots within Southeast Asia [edit ]

Regional overview [edit ]

regionally speaking, Southeast Asia is vulnerable to maritime terrorist attacks for a ten thousand of reasons. These primarily include :

The importance of the Malacca Straits to international trade during a time when Al-Qaeda is increasingly targeting economic assets. More than 50% of global trade passes through the Malacca Straits.[16]
The presence of regional geographic features, such as ‘chokepoints’ like Malacca, Sunda and Lombok, or archipelagic islands in the Philippines and Indonesia, make attacks upon vessels and hiding from authorities easier for maritime terrorists.[1][16] The security of vessels transporting energy supplies through Southeast Asian chokepoints has become an increasing energy security concern for many Northeast Asian countries, including China, South Korea and Japan.[18]
The heavy to existential dependency most Southeast Asian states have on uninterrupted maritime trade.[16]
Low rates of cargo inspection brought about by containerisation and lower security standards for cargo heading to Southeast Asia. Only around 1 to 5% of imported cargo containers are inspected.[16]
The trend of most Southeast Asian vessels being registered under primarily Panamanian flags of convenience; with the accompanying lack of transparency and lax regulation this brings.[16]
Security conditions within the region have also been blamed for the region’s vulnerability to maritime terrorism. This includes sub-standard coastal surveillance by regional states and regional shipowners’ tendencies to staff their vessels with ‘skeleton crews’ that are more easily overpowered. Low port security has also been attributed to the region’s vulnerability to maritime terrorism, for while the US’s Container Security Initiative (CSI) has introduced advanced security measures within major regional ports, this only covers cargo heading to the US, not cargo heading to Southeast Asia.[1][16]

due to these regional factors, multiple potential maritime terrorist threats emanate from the area. According to Bateman, this presents multiple less credible and more credible threats. improbable forms of assail admit :

Weaponising a tanker vessel to block a chokepoint.[18]
Weaponising a tanker vessel to bomb a port.[18]
Using divers to bomb a vessel.[18]

More probable forms of approach admit :

Bomb attacks against cruise ships or other types of civilian vessels.[18]
Using sea mines to block a chokepoint.[18]
Using boat borne IEDs against vessels, including warships and tankers.[18]

Within Southeast Asia there are multiple terrorist factions operating, many of whom pledge to jihadist ideology. This includes the multinational jihadist administration Al-Qaeda, whose Asia-Pacific network remained by and large intact in the half-decade following 9/11. [ 16 ] Al-Qaeda has built significant connections and provided hold to many Southeast Asian militant Islamist and jihadist groups. These include the initially Indonesian-based Jemaah Islamiyah which Al-Qaeda developed into a pan-Asian jihadist network, stretching from Japan in the north to Australia in the south. [ 16 ]

Malacca Straits [edit ]

The two key terrorist organisations that have utilised the sea for terrorist purposes within the Malacca Straits are the Acehnese patriot Gerakan Aceh Merdeka ( GAM ) movement within Indonesia and the pan-Asian jihadist network of Jemaah Islamiyah ( JI ) which has besides maintained a presence around the Straits .

Malacca Straits – GAM [edit ]

GAM fought an insurgency against the indonesian government from 1976 to 2005, when GAM started ceasefire negotiations with the indonesian politics after the destruction and death bring upon GAM ‘s ranks by the 2004 tsunami. The period from 2002 to 2005 witnessed an increase in kidnap-and-ransom attacks allegedly perpetrated by GAM within the indonesian waters of the northern Malacca Strait. This increase in kidnappings coincided with majority GAM territorial self-control of Aceh, with around 80 % of all Acehnese villages falling directly under GAM control. This boastfully number of territorial possessions would theoretically make kidnap-and-ransom attacks easier to execute. GAM developed its naval capabilities out of necessity due to Aceh ‘s nautical geography. GAM used small boats to smuggle weapons from southern Thailand and Malaysia into the Aceh state and smuggle fighters both into and out from Malaysia. Although GAM did not carry out attacks on indonesian naval vessels blockading Aceh, GAM did use boats as fare to and from Aceh to deliver and sell cannabis on Batam island within the Malacca Strait to raise funds for their cause. [ 19 ] [ 12 ] however, the extent of GAM ‘s significance in the increase of kidnap-and-ransom attacks in the early on 2000s is disputed. Noel Choong, an International Maritime Bureau ( IMB ) official, expressed doubt over whether the kidnappings were being perpetrated by GAM or local bandits and criminal elements. additionally, GAM ‘s expatriate central leadership in Sweden has not endorsed kidnap-and-ransom tactics, for they have been trying to generate accompaniment among the external community for Acehnese independence. however, testimonies to the IMB from erstwhile hostages have given some reading of the participation of GAM members in these attacks. GAM besides seems to derive a significant fortune of its fund from kidnap ransoms and drug traffic. [ 20 ] therefore, it would be more accurate to state that some sections of GAM participate in these acts for their fund, [ 20 ] alternatively of presenting GAM as an constitution involved in maritime terrorism to the same extent as JI or the ASG. Considering this controversy, there are therefore two ways of conceive of GAM and its interest in nautical terrorism. One view espoused by Amirell is that GAM is neither a maritime terrorist or ‘ political pirate ’ arrangement due to its lack of affiliation with Al-Qaeda or JI, subsequently viewing kidnap-and-ransom attacks as the behavior of economically-driven criminal elements within GAM ‘s ranks. [ 20 ] however, a second scene espoused by Murphy, referring to the piracy-terrorism link, notes that guerrilla or terrorist groups with political ends sometimes use piratical tactics in the foster of their political agenda. [ 12 ] Therefore, in this opinion, GAM ‘s Acehnese nationalist political motivations would be contextually significant in relation to the piratical acts of individual GAM members. frankincense, GAM ‘s rogues would be seen as politically extreme alternatively of condemnable. Below is a tilt of kidnap-and-ransom attacks where the affair of GAM members is suspected : -In August 2001, the MV Ocean Silver was attacked by a group of armed assailants with modest arms and a grenade catapult while passing the Acehnese east seashore in the northerly separate of the Straits of Malacca. 6 of the crew members, including the ship master, were taken hostage and brought ashore. The remaining 6 crew members were left on board the vessel for three days before being rescued by the indonesian Navy. The armed assailants allegedly demanded a US $ 34,000 ransom from the ship owner to release the hostages. The assailants claimed that the “ fiscal contribution ” of the ransom money would be used to assist the Acehnese nationalist cause. [ 20 ] -In February 2004, the indonesian Navy sank a vessel called the MV Champion XIX, which had been hijacked by a group of assailants. The indonesian authorities claimed that the hijackers were GAM operatives. [ 20 ]

Malacca Straits – Jemaah Islamiyah ( JI ) [edit ]

Jeemah Islamiyah ( JI ) is a multinational jihadist terrorist group that was founded in Indonesia during the early on 1990s. Their draw a bead on is to establish an muslim state in Southeast Asia that includes southerly Thailand, Malaysia, Singapore, Indonesia, Brunei and the southerly Philippines. They intend to achieve this objective by carving out smaller states within current submit borders before unifying these statelets. JI is affiliated with Al-Qaeda and is by and large land-based in its terrorist acts, even JI has previously shown an matter to in attacking vessels in the Straits of Malacca. While their maritime capabilities have remained limited, they have been known to monitor vessels visiting Singaporean naval bases and are suspected of developing maritime expertness. [ 16 ] [ 13 ] JI has historically used little boats, operated by either themselves or criminal elements, to move across external borders, given their multinational jihadist nature, or smuggle weapons into aim countries. [ 19 ] Although, as of however, JI has not perpetrated any nautical terrorist acts, there have been multiple thwart plots where JI had been planning to perpetrate a nautical assail. These include : -In December 2001, the Singapore Internal Security Department arrested 13 JI operatives for planning multiple attacks against western targets within Singapore. One of these plots included using a gravy boat bear IED to bomb a US Navy vessel while it was passing through the narrowest part of the Johore Strait to minimise the luck of effective evasion. The cell had besides been monitoring the patrol route of Singapore ‘s Police Coast Guard. While the plan had first surfaced during the mid-1990s, the Singaporean JI cell had lacked the necessity nautical capabilities to carry out the approach. however, the cell revived the diagram in early 2001 after 2 unknown Middle Easterners approached the cell for intelligence regarding US Navy vessels stationed in Singapore. [ 20 ] [ 13 ]

southern Philippines [edit ]

Despite being a hot spot of multiple durable insurgencies, ranging from the Maoist New People ‘s Army to the Islamist Moro Islamic Liberation Front, the most celebrated Philippines-based terror threat, from a US perspective, has emanated from the Abu Sayyaf Group ( ASG ) which was founded by Ustadz Abdurajak Janjalani, a veteran of the Afghan-Soviet war who was radicalised into multinational jihadism during the path of the conflict. Ustadz was a airless friend of Osama bank identification number Laden and established ties between the ASG and Al-Qaeda and JI. [ 2 ] [ 21 ] Under Ustadz, the ASG was a highly organize entity consisting of sophisticate administrative and military structures. Ustadz besides operated as the ASG ‘s ideological and theological center. however, after the toss off of Ustadz Janjalani in 1998 by Philippines security forces, the ASG went from being an Al-Qaeda-funded terrorist constitution that was ideologically driven by jihadist goals to a crumble terrorist organization that acted more like a criminal gang than a jihadist group in its kidnap, civilian extortion and drug deal demeanor, according to Abuza. The ASG besides factionalised, with one Basilan island-based faction and one Sulu island-based cabal. [ 2 ] [ 22 ] Ustadz Janjalani ‘s death resulted in the ASG shifting from being predominantly land-based in its conduct to being increasingly maritime-based in its operations due to the land-based counterterror measures of the Philippines security service. [ 2 ] This stir was additionally helped due to ASG ‘s ownership of maritime equipment and the backgrounds of most ASG operatives being based in local Muslim families with centuries-old maritime traditions. [ 2 ] As of 2018, the ASG by and large operated around Jolo, Basilan and Mindanao. In 2013, despite being an al-qaeda affiliate funded by Mohammed Jamal Khalifa, one of Osama bin Laden ‘s brothers, the ASG shifted their allegiance from Al-Qaeda to the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria. The drawing card of the group has been identified as Khadaffi Janjalani by the Armed Forces of the Philippines. The group ‘s historic, [ 2 ] [ 21 ] and contemporaneous main objective is to achieve an Islamic state in the Southern Philippines, peculiarly West Mindanao and the Suluwesi Archipelago. The eventual aim of this conjectural Islamic state of matter is to be incorporated into JI ‘s larger Southeast asian Islamic state. Beside demanding an independent Moro state, the ASG have besides requested for prohibitions against fishing vessels operating in the Sulu Sea. [ 22 ] Since the ASG ‘s foundation, it has committed multiple nautical terrorist acts. These include :

On 10 August 1991, the ASG bombed the M/V Doulous, a motor vessel and foreign missionary ship, in Zamboanga City. 2 Christian missionaries were killed in the blast. This was the ASG’s first operation and an early demonstration of their maritime capabilities.[2]
On 23 April 2000, the ASG kidnapped 21 tourists from a resort on Sipadan island, a Malaysian island located in the Celebes Sea.[2] The Philippine government eventually resolved the situation by paying a $15 million ransom.[2]
On 30 September 2000, the ASG kidnapped 3 Malaysians at the Pasir Beach Resort in Sabah, Malaysia using a speedboat. They were eventually rescued by the Philippine military in Talipao, Sulu island.[2]
On 27 May 2001, the ASG kidnapped 17 Philippine and 3 American nationals from the Dos Palmas beach resort on Palawan island. The ASG operatives covertly entered the resort using a boat, kidnapped their victims from their seaside cabins and transported them to the ASG base on Basilan island. The kidnapping received international notoriety when several of the hostages, including an American national, were beheaded. During a rescue operation by the Philippine’s military, 2 more hostages, including another American national, were killed.[2][21]
In June 2002, the ASG kidnapped multiple foreign nationals, including 4 Indonesian sailors who had been crew abroad the SM88, a coal-carrying vessel that was taking coal from Indonesia to Cebu Island in the Central Philippines. 2 of the sailors managed to escape the ASG following their capture, 1 sailor was rescued and 1 sailor was killed during a Philippine military rescue operation in February 2003.[23]
On 27 February 2004, the ASG bombed the M/V Superferry 14 in Manila Bay. The bomb started a fire abroad the ferry that trapped the ship’s passengers at sea. Out of the 899 people on board, 116 were killed. Although the Philippine government denied the ASG perpetrated the attack, despite the ASG admitted responsibility for the attack, a government investigation concluded that the ASG had in fact perpetrated the attack.[19][2]
In March 2016, the ASG kidnapped 10 Indonesian sailors from a vessel carrying coal from South Kalimantan.[23] They also kidnapped another 10 Indonesian sailors who had been fishing in Philippine waters.[23]

maritime counterterrorism within Southeast Asia [edit ]

United States [edit ]

The United States of America and its military has been a key extra-regional baron that has become involved in Southeast asian nautical counterterrorism, particularly following the 9/11 terror attacks. The USA has suggested two major efforts in relation to maritime security, including nautical counterterrorism. The first was the Proliferation Security Initiative ( PSI ) which was advocated for by the Bush administration as an agreement by which the US and early PSI participants would cooperate with each other in interdictions against vessels or aircraft from ‘ rogue nations ’ carrying technologies or material used to create or deliver WMDs. [ 24 ] The obligations of PSI participants are, however, based on recommendation and are not legally binding. For this reason, the PSI is referred to in a concerted operational sense preferably than as a multilateral arrangement. [ 25 ] Despite the initial engagement of 13 countries in the 5-day interdict exercise hosted in Singapore during 2005, lone 3 Asia-Pacific countries have remained as full participants : Australia, Japan and Singapore. [ 26 ] The second gear was the regional Maritime Security Initiative ( RMSI ) which was proposed as a conceptual model by the US in 2004. It was designed to facilitate in the occurrence of neutral and multilateral nautical security cooperation through intelligence share, providing an early warn system regarding multinational maritime threats and assisting law enforcement in monitor, identifying and interdicting leery vessels in home and external waters. The inaugural was supposed to focus on maritime security in the Malacca Straits. [ 25 ] [ 24 ] however, after a 2004 speech by Admiral Fargo in front of the US Congress, Indonesia and Malaysia strongly opposed and rejected the enterprise after Admiral Fargo suggested that the US military was looking to deploy special operations forces and Marines with high-speed boats into the Malacca Straits for the determination of interdict. [ 27 ] however, Singapore welcomed the potential for a U.S presence in the area, viewing it as a stabilising agent from a long-standing Singaporean ally. [ 26 ] due to widespread opposition to the RMSI concept, United States Pacific Command ( now United States Indo-Pacific Command ) gradually abandoned the concept, with the term ‘ RMSI ’ vanishing from the USPACOM ‘s official communications during 2005. [ 25 ]

People ‘s Republic of China [edit ]

The People ‘s Republic of China has been another extra-regional power involved in Southeast asian nautical security system. In 2004, the PRC and ASEAN declared a ‘ Memorandum of Understanding ’ in relative to non-traditional security threats, including plagiarism and terrorism at ocean. [ 28 ] Within the document, the PRC and ASEAN stated that they would move towards greater cooperation in the fields of informational exchanges, the exchange and train of security personnel, police enforcement cooperation [ 29 ] and joint research relating to non-traditional security threats. [ 29 ] These areas of cooperation included intelligence sharing, law enforcement capacity construction, [ 29 ] bilateral legal arrangements and joint security research by the signatories ’ experts. [ 29 ] In 2005, Guo Xinning, a aged PLA colonel and a visit research worker at the Institute for Southeast asian Studies at the fourth dimension, wrote that maritime terrorism had the potential to become an increasingly unplayful nautical security threat in the future. Although he believed that Southeast Asia had witnessed relatively sparse evidence of maritime terrorism, he saw some terror groups, particularly JI, as having the purpose of launching a large-scale nautical terrorist campaign within the region. [ 30 ]

Japan [edit ]

Japan has partaken in a few capacity building initiatives relating to maritime security system within Southeast Asia. During 2002, the japanese Coast Guard conducted joint exercises with Royal Brunei Marine Police and used the Yashima patrol ship to partake in joint train with indian Coast Guards, make port calls in Singapore and patrol the Malacca Strait. During 2003, Japan and the Philippines led a train exercise and the Yashima was deployed again in a discipline drill with Malaysia. 2003 besides witnessed Japan aid Indonesia in drafting a new coast defend code for the country. Although Japan has remained a consistent advocate of joint multilateral patrols, these calls have been historically rejected by Southeast asian states due to lingering memories of japanese conduct during World War II. Article IX of Japan ‘s constitution can besides be interpreted as restricting the use of defensive japanese military forces to japanese citizens and vessels, far complicate and restricting the potential for japanese maritime security activities in Southeast Asia on an internal legal footing. [ 24 ] however, Japan has played a boastfully function in both fund maritime counterterrorist entities and in facilitating multilateral cooperation. japanese financing has been given to counterterrorism programmes in Indonesia, Malaysia and Singapore through the ‘ Official development aid ’ broadcast. In 2004, the APEC Counter-Terrorist Task Force ‘s ‘ Heads of Asian Coast Guards Agencies Meeting ’ was held in Tokyo. In 2005, Japan hosted the “ ASEAN-Japan Seminar on Maritime Security and Combating Piracy ” in Tokyo where the ASEAN member states evaluated their individual execution progress of the International Ship and Port Security Code. [ 31 ] In terms of multilateral arrangements, there have been 2 project arrangements put forth by Japan. The inaugural came in the mannequin of the Ocean Peacekeeping Force ( OPF ) enterprise, that came after japanese efforts at maritime security capacitance build among Malacca Straits littoral states during the 1990s. During the 1999 ASEAN +3 ( Japan, South Korea and the PRC ) summit, japanese prime minister Keizo Obuchi proposed the constitution of a regional coast guard as a nautical security actor in the Straits of Malacca. The OPF would include multilateral patrols of japanese, south korean, chinese, malaysian, indonesian and singaporean naval forces. however, this proposal was strongly objected to by the PRC who believed that the first step was designed to extend Japan ‘s East asian security function and contain the PRC ‘s nautical charm. [ 25 ] The second came in the shape of the Regional Cooperation Agreement on Combating Piracy and Armed Robbery against Ships in Asia ( ReCAAP ) first step, which was adopted in 2004 by 16 states, including all 10 ASEAN members, Japan, South Korea, the PRC, India, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka. Under the first step, signatories may request each other for aid in detecting and interdicting fishy vessels and persons while the actual framework itself facilitates in forging concerted arrangements and enhancing nautical security capacity construct. however, the framework does not deal with the means of aid or the practice of nautical force out. [ 32 ] Voluntarism has been the basis of much of the framework, ranging from information input signal to fund. [ 25 ]

Association of Southeast asian Nations ( ASEAN ) [edit ]

As a regionalist supranational actor, ASEAN has played a role in nautical security system within Southeast Asia. ASEAN has been encouraging its member states to sign and ratify international nautical treaties. From 1997, ASEAN established a high-level Expert Group to draft the ASEAN Plan of Action on Transnational Crime, though the plan was officially adopted in 1999. The document was non-binding but encouraged increased cooperation related to maritime security, including legislative means like ratify international treaties and operational means like capacity build activities and the constitution of an ASEAN Centre for Transnational Crime ( ACTC ). [ 33 ] In the tenth ARF ministerial suffer during 2003, a affirmation that pertained to maritime security was made following the touch. This included a announcement that all ASEAN penis states would try to implement international maritime treaties, including the SUA 1988 treaties. [ 34 ] But, to go steady, alone Singapore, Brunei, Myanmar, the Philippines and Vietnam have become SUA 1988 signatories, with the two early Malacca Straits littoral states of Malaysia and Indonesia not being SUA 1988 signatories. [ 26 ] In 2004, the ARF ‘s Statement on Strengthening Transport Security against International Terrorism was adopted, which advocated for the full implementation of the IMO ‘s International Ship and Port Security Code by ARF participants as a countermeasure to the menace of maritime terrorism. [ 35 ] Although ARF participants have partaken in regional nautical security capacity construction and operations with one another though, as of so far, not under an ARF organizational model. Examples of this include the ‘ Eyes in the Sky ’ ( EiS ) enterprise in 2005. This was done by Indonesia, Malaysia and Singapore to create a nautical sphere awareness ( MDA ) network in the Strait of Malacca. This placement had been preceded by a Singaporean-Indonesian concerted system that aimed to create a real-time surveillance system over the Strait of Singapore. [ 34 ] As function of the first step, each country allocates maritime patrol aircraft to run 2 sorties per week along the Malacca and Singapore Straits. Each flight carries a maritime patrol team that consists of military personnel from the 3 countries. [ 36 ] In 2004, following a abrupt increase in maritime attacks within the straits, Indonesia, Malaysia and Singapore besides launched the MALSINDO triangle naval patrols. [ 26 ] similarly to the EiS inaugural, these patrols were confined in their area of operation to the Malacca and Singapore Straits and outside an ASEAN model. [ 33 ] MALSINDO patrols were coordinated in the sense that maritime patrols were only responsible for patrolling their own territorial waters, remained under offprint national military commands with limited powers of ‘ hot avocation ’ into the sovereign waters of other participating countries. In 2006, the EiS was renamed into the ‘ Malacca Straits Patrols ’ ( MSP ) initiative after new standard operate procedures were signed by the participating countries to improve the operational potency of naval and nautical air patrols. [ 36 ] While, in a 2005 ARF workshop, a big issue of participating countries supported the intensification of the role of the ‘ Five Powers Defence Arrangement ’ in regional maritime security matters, equally well as the continuance of coordinated patrols, there was still no consensus in support of joint patrols. [ 34 ] As character of ensuring nautical security within Southeast Asia, ASEAN has fulfilled a character in facilitating defense dialogues with key extra-regional powers. The ASEAN Defence Ministers Meeting ( ADMM ) run the ADMM+ scheme that aims to construct an international deliberative model for maritime security. This is done to assist in the tasks of finish typeset and coordinate actions within the framework of the ADMM. [ 37 ]

International Maritime Organisation ( IMO ) [edit ]

In response to the 9/11 attacks, the IMO wished to revise their countermeasures against maritime violence and crime. Following a 2002 Diplomatic Conference at the IMO HQ, the International Ship and Port Security ( ISPS ) Code was incorporated as a new chapter under the SOLAS treaty, giving it the force of external law. The ISPS Code aimed to create a reproducible standard upon which SOLAS-contracting governments could evaluate and manage gamble to vessels and port facilities and, accordingly, instate appropriate security measures should the levels of nautical threat transfer. The code covers passenger and cargo vessels ( including tankers ) of 500 megascopic tonnage or above equally well as port facilities harbouring vessels on external voyages and offshore drill platforms. The code legally imposed obligations on contracting governments, vessels ( including the ship overlord ), shipping companies and port facilities. [ 38 ] ISPS Code includes two parts. Part A provides mandate security requirements for contracting governments, interface facilities and shipping companies while Part B contains execution guidelines regarding part A requirements. Both vessels and port facilities must control and monitor access to their domain, monitor homo activeness and cargo within their domain and maintain functional security communication. There are 3 security system levels varying in menace badness due to the diverse security needs of vessels and ports and the fluid nature of nautical threat over clock. It is the contracting governments ’ duty to provide vessels and ports with security levels and to communicate security information to the relevant vessels, port facilities and the IMO ( which the IMO uses to facilitate effective communication between transport companies/vessel security officers and port security officers ). [ 38 ] ship companies are obliged to install an Automatic Identification System ( AIS ) on their vessels, make surely their vessels present their IMO Ship Identification Number outwardly and internally, make surely they maintain an onboard ship security system and make certain each of their vessels obtains a Ship Security Certificate to demonstrate that their vessel complies with the ISPS Code. Each shipping party must appoint a Company Security Officer ( CSO ) and Ship Security Officers ( SSOs ) for each of their vessels while each express must appoint Port Security Officers ( PSOs ) once the catching politics or relevant security agency has conducted initial port adeptness risk assessments to determine which port facilities require a PSO. It is then the responsibility of SSOs and PSOs to undertake ship and port facility security assessments, mastermind transport and port security arrangements and plans ( which must be approved by each vessel ‘s administration or contracting government, respectively ) and actively monitor their security system position. [ 38 ] Although, globally, 89.5 % of 9,000 declared port facilities had port facility security plans and 90 % of relevant ships possessed a Ship Security Certificate as of 2004, several flaws can be identified with the code at a Southeast asian regional horizontal surface. [ 39 ] first, as the treaty only applies to 500 arrant tonnage vessels on international voyages, the code does not cover fish vessels, ships under 500 gross tonnage or domestic barter merchant ships. Both Indonesia and the Philippines posse large fishing fleets, high quantities of belittled trade vessels and large domestic commercial fleets. [ 39 ] This means that many vessels in the region are not held to the ISPS ’ standards, including maritime terrorists like the ASG who overwhelmingly use small high-speed boats. second, due to the heavily US-endorsed and supported nature of the ISPS Code, the code places difficulties upon developing countries, like countries within Southeast Asia. In the view of Sam Bateman, many developing countries would preferably give higher spend priority to domestic issues like economic exploitation quite than maritime terrorism countermeasures that, in the final examination analysis, benefit western interests over domestic ones. US threats to deny entry to non-compliant ships, thus making ISPS Code submission a pre-condition for trade with the US, are subsequently seen as an pervert of international world power. [ 39 ] consequently, there are multiple economic execution costs that developing Southeast asian states might not be will to pay. The ISPS Code besides faces some effective enforcement issues, like most external laws. While the IMO monitors submission, the iris department of state ‘s efficiency in administratively establishing the code ‘s arrangements and ensuring the actual conformity of vessels under its nautical jurisdiction determines ultimate submission. Therefore, arrangements that iris states report as being in place may not be operationally effective. [ 39 ] Given the develop nature of many Southeast Asian states, administrative issues might frustrate its implementation. additionally, the IMO has been working with the International Labour Organisation ( ILO ) to make it harder for terrorists to use vessels as transportation for their operatives. With over 1.3 million international seafarers, it has been suggested that seafarer identification documents that use biometrics ought to be introduced. The Seafarers ’ Identity Documents Convention of 2003 lone requires 2 ratifying state signatories to enter into impel. however, multiple concerns have been raised by states regarding it, ranging from its necessity for visa-free entrance to infrastructural problems relating to distribution, identity confirmation and maintenance of home databases. [ 39 ]

other maritime security system entities [edit ]

In reception to the upgrade of non-traditional maritime threats in Southeast Asia, like nautical terrorism, forms of multilateral cooperation between different regional states have been used for nautical counterterrorist purposes. Within Southeast Asia, initially nationally based Coastal Watch System ( CWS ) initiatives, chiefly in the Philippines, developed national nautical knowledge domain awareness ( MDA ) networks through comprehensive levels of inter-agency cooperation. When the Philippines ’ CWS was connected with similar systems based in Malaysia and Indonesia, a sub-regional MDA network was created within the across-the-board multilateral Asia-Pacific system, including the Singapore-based Information Fusion Centre ( IFC ). This Asia-Pacific system is coordinated by the Maritime Research Information Centre ( MRIC ) based in Manilla, who provide regional maritime terror assessments for Southeast Asia and possess some surveillance capabilities through an Automated information System ( AIS ). [ 40 ]

References [edit ]

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Maritime terrorism in Southeast Asia – Wikipedia